Mister Chairperson,

In March, we remember many events that show the true nature of the Russian war.

If a fake referendum in Crimea in March 2014 was considered an aberration, today it has become a blueprint for Russian aggression.

It is that simple. Staging fake referendums to challenge Ukraine's territorial integrity. While these futile attempts will not change the reality that Crimea, Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson and Zaporizhzhia regions are Ukraine, however, such aberrations and territorial claims are accompanied by gross human right violations.

And there are no limits for Russia’s cruelty as we saw in March of 2022, when killings were taking place in the streets of communities of the Kyiv region. It later became known as the Bucha massacre.

Buit in March of 2022, we also saw the courage of ordinary people – without weapons but also without fear – who took to the streets of Kherson to protest against the occupation, chanting “Russian invaders go home” and “We are Ukraine”.

Is there any better way to express the will of the people under the gun?

Or what happened in Enerhodar, where thousands of people blocked the main road leading into the city.

They tried with their bare hands to prevent the occupation of the ZNPP, the largest nuclear power plant in Europe.

Later the Russian troops ruthlessly shelled it. Ordinary people seemed more responsible than a designated member of the IAEA.

These events show that this war is aggressive and genocidal, but still unable to break the will of the Ukrainian people to resist.

The recent report of the UN Inquiry Commission is a stark reminder of why this resistance is about our very survival as a nation and a state.

The report details the systematic use of torture, sexual violence, and a policy to kill surrendering or captured soldiers, in violation of IHL.

The Commission concludes that the “most important findings during its third mandate are that Russian authorities have committed crimes against humanity of torture and enforced disappearances. Both crimes were perpetrated pursuant to a coordinated state policy, in a

widespread and systematic manner, in all provinces of Ukraine where areas came under Russian control”.

Furthermore, the recent OHCHR report on children is even more revealing. I quote, “in the four regions of Ukraine that were illegally annexed by the Russian Federation in 2022, children have been particularly affected by violations of international human rights law and IHL, including summary executions, arbitrary detention, conflict-related sexual violence, torture and ill-treatment […] Discriminatory policies implemented by the Russian Federation in occupied territory have compelled children to obtain Russian citizenship, express allegiance to the Russian Federation, and attend schools teaching the Russian state curriculum. […] The Russian Federation instated patriotic and military education aimed to prepare children in occupied territory for military or civil service in Russian state institutions.”

There is also a long list of Russian legislation targeting residents, including children in the occupied territory of Ukraine. Just a few days ago, a new Russian decree was issued that aims to forcibly expel Ukrainian citizens from living there.

Do we need any more arguments why these areas cannot remain under Russia’s control?

Esteemed colleagues,

Having faced immense human suffering caused by Russia’s war, the position of Ukraine is clear.

We are ready to take the necessary steps towards a just and lasting peace as quickly as possible, together with the United States, Europe, and all partners.

This week Ukrainian and American teams have continued to work constructively in Saudi Arabia, achieving significant results in terms of freedom of navigation in the Black Sea and a ceasefire on energy objects.

In particular, we are grateful to the United States for their willingness to help free our people from Russian captivity – both military and civilian – as well as to return Ukrainian children forcibly abducted by the Russians.

Moreover, since 11 March, a US proposal for a full and unconditional ceasefire has been on the table. And Ukraine has accepted it.

Yet, Russia has done nothing to ensure a ceasefire. Neither full, nor partial. Neither since last night, nor since 18 of March.

Russia’s actions speak for themselves, not its words.

On the night of 19 March, Russia attacked Ukraine with two Iskander-M ballistic missiles, four S-300 anti-aircraft guided missiles and 145 Shahed drones; on 20 March - with 171 drones; on 21 March – 214 drones; on 22 March – 179 drones; on 23 March – 147 drones; on 24 March – 99 drones; on 25 March – 139 drones and a ballistic missile; on 26 March – 117 drones; on 27 March – 86 drones and a ballistic missile.

Many of those drones were likely aiming at energy facilities. And without going into details, there have already been confirmed hits on our energy facilities.

Kropyvnytskyi, Odesa, Kyiv, Zaporizhzhia, Kryvyi Rih, Kharkiv – are the latest examples of the intensification of air attacks on our peaceful cities and civilian infrastructure.

In Kyiv, the drone attack claimed three lives, among them a father and his five-year-old daughter. The day before, in Zaporizhzhia, a family of three was killed. And two days ago, on 25

of March, a Russian glide bomb killed a 3-year-old girl and her mother on a playground, near their home in Kurtivka, Donetsk region.

All of these cases further contributed to the OHCHR’s conclusion that the number of child casualties has increased since 2024 due to intensified attacks by Russia in the Donetsk region; increased use of long-range missiles and loitering munitions; and attacks with modified powerful air-dropped bombs on larger cities.

Moreover, Russia’s attempt to introduce preconditions demonstrates its real intentions to deceive the world and to prolong the war.

As President Zelenskyy said, “How Russia behaves in the coming days will reveal a lot – if not everything. If there are new air raid alerts again, if there are new military activities in the Black Sea, if Russian manipulations and threats continue – then new measures will have to be taken”.

Let me reiterate it once again. Ukraine is strongly committed to working toward achieving a durable and lasting peace.

But should Russia continue its attacks, Ukraine will exercise its right to self-defense.

In this regard, we are grateful to all our partners for their continued political, financial, and military support to my country in struggle for its sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence.

And last but not least. We welcome the completion by the Core Group of technical work on three draft documents necessary to establish a Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine.

These three documents will now be submitted for political consideration.

An important step has been taken, not only for the establishment of the Tribunal, but also for restoring confidence in international law in general.

We need this trust to restore stability in the international relation.

Because every time we talk at the PC meetings about defending our principles and restoring territorial integrity it is not just about Ukraine.

It means nothing less than the future confidence of all participating States that international law will protect them, that disarmament will contribute to our common security, and that our agreements will remain credible.

I thank you, Mr Chairperson.